SIGnals Newsletter

Climate Control?

Note: Chris Mullin reports on current policies and attitudes towards gay people in the UK and asks if it is perhaps more superficial than it may at first seem.
24th May 1988.
Local Government Act 1988.
28 - (1) The following section shall be inserted after section 2 of the Local Government Act 1986 (prohibition of political publicity) 2A - 1 A local authority shall not - intentionally promote homosexuality or publish material with the intention of promoting homosexuality; promote the teaching in any maintained school of the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretend family relationship.
I was fifteen, and had just come out. I can't pretend it didn't bother me, but I knew they were wrong. My circumstances were such that there was very little I could do about it. Growing up in a tiny village in the Midlands and still very beholden to my pa rents, I didn't know who to write to to discuss it with, or, most discouraging of all, the legal age of consent, which at that time was still 21. It didn't stop me though.

What exactly did it stop? The most significant aspect of Clause 28, bar its very existence, is that fact that nobody has ever been prosecuted under it. It is, however, one of those things which is dragged up now and then. At the time, books containing the above subject matter were withdrawn from libraries and a certain amount of self-censorship was installed in schools. Amongst other things, it was my other great passion, the performing arts, which came under heavy scrutiny. It doesn't excuse, but goes some way to explaining, my apathetic attitude towards authority.

The demonstrations that followed the introduction of Clause 28 were huge, and had the effect of promoting homosexuality in a way I had certainly never experienced at school. There was, of course, the usual media frenzy, both for and against, but when t he press got tired of it, the 'swayable' majority within the nation started talking about other things and it was left for the activists to lobby parliament for a reversal. When it was seen that enforcing the Clause was simply one big grey area, we got th e message that it was, if at all, to be used as a control mechanism. The campaigns for an equal age of consent and the abolition of Clause 28 were to go hand in hand from then on.

In 1994, Edwina Curry, formerly Junior Health Secretary for the Conservative Party, went, completely out of the blue, on national TV to start a campaign for lowering the age of consent to 16. People were stunned. The very party which had introduced, am ongst other things, the Act of 1988, was going public in supporting, not just gay men, but the LGBT community at large. Suspicions were rampant. Was it an election ploy? (Did they want our votes as well as our souls?) Was it some form of dissent from with in? The result of an internal power struggle? Or maybe it was just Edwina researching her latest Romance Novel. Well, OK then Edwina, we'll try it your way. She did it though. With a lot of pressure and a fair bit of advice from lobby groups, she and her bunch of cronies forced the vote. For the first time in several years homo-mania hit the press again, to the extent that if you were unable to be outside the Houses of Parliament on the night of the vote, you could watch it live on TV. The feeling was one of cautious optimism, but then the result was announced. MP's had opted instead for the age of 18. So near, and yet so far. The riot that followed was also televised. (Edited highlights only.)

With the Crime and Disorder Bill of 1998 a new wave of optimism ensued. New government (for the first time in my ownpolitical memory), this time Labour was in power. Initiated by Stonewall, the New Clause 1 of the Bill proposed an age of 16 in England, Wales and Scotland, and 17 in Northern Ireland, bringing all parts of the UK in line with heterosexuals. It was passed, only to be turned down a month later by the House of Lords. It had been an issue that had again, been used as a vote winner, only this time it had worked. Tony Blair had been unable to deliver his promise. He had omitted to point out the flaw in this part of his election campaign, and said merely that the Lords overruling would be reversed again when the issue is to be handed to the Eur opean Parliament.

It is not insignificant, that living as I did for 6 years as a sexual 'outlaw' and having a complete disregard for the laws of the land in which I lived, I am more perceptive of public opinions than of current political debate. It also allowed me to 'l ook in' on a society that was not geared towards me. I was not its 'target audience.' That, at least, has changed. Whatever the inequalities of the law, public opinion in the UK towards LGBT peoples is generally sympathetic, indifferent, appraising, admir ing, and in some aspects, even commercial. Saturday early evening on BBC1 TV, peak time, it is quite usual now to see Lily Savage, a six foot drag queen from Liverpool hosting the quiz show 'Blankety Blank', followed immediately by Dale Winton, a gay man, camp as you like, hosting another game show in addition to his totally over the top 'Super Market Sweep', a popular morning daily. Not totally representative of our community, I know, but all of the major soaps have leading gay characters, gay theatre, f ilm and TV are popular with all of the community, as are the various forms of nightlife. In the law courts, concessions for gay people are being made that result in Barristers and JP's blatantly disregarding the laws they are meant to be upholding, and ma ny UK companies have changed or are changing policy to allow for same sex and/or unmarried couples. In my previous company, equal opportunities bordered alarmingly onpositive discrimination.

Other events generate huge support and understanding. Elton John, playing at the funeral of Princess Diana, will be the'highlight' that most people will remember. She would not have minded it to be so. The Soho Bomb resulted in the first member of the Royal Family, Prince Charles, to visit a gay bar, clearly commenting on the gay communities' status and contribution to the nation as a whole, echoing general opinions of the moment. It is our achievements, however, rather than the bereavements where we l ack recognition. But how do we do this? As 'out' gay people? Or as someone who has achieved something and who 'happens to be gay'. Where lies the stronger message?

There is still a way to go. Clause 28, due for review (again!) this year, still exists in its original format, although the chances of it being overturned this time round are far better. Our current administration has four 'out' MPs, one who sits on th e cabinet and another of whom beat Michael Portillo in the last general election. Portillo had been Defense Secretary for the Tories and at one time was immensely popular. It was a victory indeed and prompted even right wing Portillo into admitting he onc e had a same sex 'experience.' Homophobia is still rampant in some areas of employment, such as the Stock Exchange and Legal Firms but even in many rural areas of the UK it is now possible to live as a gay man or women. People tolerate, irrespective of wh ether they truly understand or confront the issues.

I firmly believe that attitudes in the UK have changed for the better over recent years. There are of course far right wing groups still active but the majority of the population does not share their opinions. It is now up to those of us that can to pu rsue the opportunities now open to us. Not necessarily to 'demand equality', but simply to 'be equal.' We owe it to those who generated the openings and those who lived and still live in less tolerant climates.

Lesbigay SIGnals, Spring 1999

 
This article appeared in the Fall 1999 edition of Lesbigay SIGnals
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