HOW INEXORABLE IS THE "TRAGEDY OF THE
COMMONS”?
INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR CHANGING
THE STRUCTURE OF SOCIAL DILEMMAS
By Elinor Ostrom
Since Garrett Hardin's
captivating article in Science (1968), the expression, "the
tragedy of the commons," has come to symbolize the degradation of the
environment to be expected whenever many individuals own a scarce resource in
common. Godwin and Shepard (1979: 265) refer to Hardin's article as
“…the dominant framework within which social scientists portray
environmental and resource issues.” To illustrate the logical structure
of his theory, Hardin asks the reader to envision a pasture "open to
all."' He then examines the structure of this situation from the
perspective of a rational herdsman. Each herdsman receives a direct return from
selling his own animals and suffers delayed costs from the deterioration of the
commons when he and others overgraze. The herdsman is motivated to add more and
more animals because he receives the proceeds from the sale of his own animals
and bears only a share of the costs resulting from over‑grazing. Hardin
concludes:
Therein is the tragedy. Each man is locked into a system that compels
him to increase his herd without limit – in a world that is limited. Ruin
is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best
interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons (Hardin,
1968: 1,244).
Hardin was not the first to
notice the tragedy of the commons. Aristotle had long ago observed that
"what is common to the greatest number has the least care bestowed upon
it. Everyone thinks chiefly of his own, hardly at all of the common
interest" (Politics, Book
11, Ch. 3). Over 150 years ago, William Forster Lloyd (1833; reprinted 1977)
sketched a theory of the
commons, which predicted improvident use for property owned in common. More
than a decade before Hardin's article, H. Scott Gordon, of our own faculty,
clearly expounded "The Economic Theory of a Common‑Property
Resource: The Fishery" (1954), in what has become a classic of its own.
If the only "'commons" of importance were a few grazing areas or fisheries, the "tragedy of the commons" would be of little general interest. This is not the case. Hardin himself used the grazing commons as a metaphor for the general problem of overpopulation. The tragedy of the commons has been used to describe such diverse problems as the Sahelian famine of the 1970s (Picardi and Seifert, 1977), the problem of acid rain (R. Wilson, 1985), the organization of the Mormon Church (Bullock and Baden, 1977), the inability of the U.S. Congress to limit its own capacities to overspend (Shepsle and Weingast, 1984), urban crime (Neher, 1978), public sector/private sector relationships in modem economies (Scharpf, 1985), the problems of international cooperation (Snidal, 1985), and communal conflict in Cyprus (Lumsden, 1973).
Analytically, the theory
that Hardin sketched has been formalized as an N‑Person, Commons Dilemma
Game (Dawes, 1973; 1975). When the stark features of the formal representation
are examined, the decision facing the herdsman in an open access commons has
the same underlying structure as the decision facing each prisoner in the so‑called
Prisoner's Dilemma (PD) game. For each of the players in this dilemma, the
"don't cooperate" strategy strictly dominates the
"cooperate" strategy. The equilibrium resulting from each player
selecting his "best" individual strategy is, however, not the best
joint outcome. Each player seeking to obtain the best result (the temptation
payoff) and to avoid the worst result (the sucker's payoff) ends up with a
third‑rate outcome.
The normal form to
represent the structure of a PD game is:
Player
2
Cooperate Don't
Cooperate
Player 1
Cooperate Second
best Worst
result for 1
result
for both Best
result for 2
Don't Cooperate Best
Result for 1 Third
best result
Worst
result for 2 for
both
The Prisoner's Dilemma game
has fascinated scholars in many fields. The paradox that individually rational
strategies lead to collectively irrational outcomes seems to challenge a
fundamental faith that rational human beings can achieve rational results. In
the introduction to a recently published book, Paradoxes of Rationality and
Cooperation, Richmond Campbell explains
the "deep attraction" of the dilemma.
Quite simply, these paradoxes cast in doubt our understanding of
rationality and, in the case of the Prisoner's Dilemma, suggest that it is
impossible for rational creatures to cooperate. Thus, they bear directly on
fundamental issues in ethics and political philosophy and threaten the
foundations of the social sciences. It is the scope of these consequences that
explains why these paradoxes have drawn so much attention and why they command
a central place in philosophical discussion (Campbell, 1985: 3).
The deep attraction of the
dilemma is also illustrated by the number of articles written on it. At latest
count – a decade ago – more than 2,000 papers had been devoted to
the Prisoner's Dilemma game (Grofman and Pool, 1975).
When viewed as a situation
that will be repeated for a finite and known number of rounds, most theorists
predict that players will continue to select their dominant strategy in each
round yielding a deficient equilibrium over the series of plays. Several
predictions are made for an iterated Commons Dilemma game when the number of
iterations is unknown. Many philosophers and formal theorists still argue that
a rational player should play the "don't cooperate" strategy in every
round (see, for example, Sobel, 1985). Others argue that rational players
facing one another for an indefinite future could use contingent strategies to
"teach" one another the benefits of selecting cooperative strategies
(see, for example, Braybrooke, 1985; R. Hardin, 1982) or Bayesian estimates of
subjective probabilities to resolve the dilemma (see J. Wilson, 1986). Still
other models assume that resolute players can use strong threats of permanent
retaliation, instead of cooperative moves and forgiveness, to develop models of
repetitious games which predict the selection of cooperative strategies by all
(see Lewis and Cowens, 1983; Cae, 1984; Bendor and Mookherjee, 1985). Taking an
evolutionary approach, Axelrod (1981; 1984) has examined which strategies may
be collectively stable under varying conditions of long‑term play.
With few exceptions (R.
Hardin, 1982; Braybrooke, 1985; Orbell and Wilson, 1978), analyses of the
Commons Dilemma have focused on the structure of the game as given. The "solution" is viewed as
immutable. From within the game, participants are trapped in an eternal
struggle of tragic proportions. Even when analysts have examined situations
which would extend for infinite periods of time, the presumption is usually
made that the participants themselves have no control over the structure of the
situation in which they find themselves. The prisoners in the story on which
the PD game is based were indeed trapped. The physical constraints of separate
cells in a prison and resolute District Attorney impose an immutable structure
upon them. Is this immutability a temporary conceptual and methodological
constraint or a deeper substantive necessity? Scholars and government officials
presume that all participants in situations with the structure of a PD game are
necessarily trapped in the structure of the situation; as prisoners are trapped
in their cells, participants are themselves trapped in their own mental
apparatus. I shall argue that the structure is conceptually and
methodologically necessary for analysis, but not an empirical necessity. The
inability of participants to change the structure may be an empirical reality
in some situations. It is not an empirical reality in many situations, however.
All analysis is based on
assumptions which keep some conditions constant and allow others to vary.
Without considering some variables as exogenous to the situation under
analysis, it is not possible to analyze that situation. Taking the structure of
a Commons or Prisoner's Dilemma as given allows the analyst to derive the
likely results that would occur if individuals were to find themselves in a
situation that meets the conditions of the model.
In the on‑going,
complex, multi‑level world of action, what is exogenous at one level of
analysis may be endogenous at another level of analysis. This fixation on the
rigidity of analytical constraints has had unfortunate consequences when
scholars have turned from analysis to prescription. The grim predictions
generated by many analysts about the Commons Dilemma has led to policy
recommendations of an equally grim character. Ophuls (1973: 228) has, for
example, argued that "because of the tragedy of the commons, environmental
problems cannot be solved through cooperation ... and the rationale for
government with major coercive powers is overwhelming…” Ophuls concludes
that "even if we avoid the tragedy of the commons, it will only be by
recourse to the tragic necessity of Leviathan" (1973: 229).
Garrett Hardin himself
argued a decade after his earlier article that we are enveloped in a
"cloud of ignorance" about "the true nature of the fundamental
political systems and the effect of each on the preservation of the
environment" (1978: 310). The "cloud of ignorance" did not,
however, prevent him from presuming that the only alternatives to the Commons
Dilemma are what he calls "a private enterprise system" on the one
hand or "socialism" on the other (1978: 314). With the assurance of
someone convinced that "the alternative of the commons is too horrifying
to contemplate" (1968: 1,247), Hardin indicates that change must be
instituted and with "whatever force may be required to make the change
stick" (1978: 314). In other words, "if ruin is to be avoided in a
crowded world, people must be responsive to a coercive force outside their
individual psyches, a 'Leviathan,' to use Hobbes's term" (1978: 314).
The presumption that
Leviathan is necessary to avoid tragedies of the commons leads some analysts to
recommend central government control of most natural resource systems. Robert
L. Heilbroner (1974) opined that "iron governments," perhaps military
governments, are necessary to achieve control over ecological problems. In a
somewhat less Draconian view, Ehrenfeld (1972: 322) suggests that if
"'private interests cannot be expected to protect the public domain then
external regulation by public agencies, governments, or international
authorities is needed" (see also Carruthers and Stoner, 1981). Peter Stillman (1975: 13) points out that those who see "a strong
central government or a strong ruler"' as a solution, implicitly assume
that "the ruler will be a wise and ecologically aware altruist . . ."
even though these same theorists presume that the users of common‑pool
resources will be myopic, self‑interested, and ecologically unaware
hedonists.
In contrast, other analysts
call, in equally strong terms, for the imposition of private property rights
whenever resources are owned communally (Demsetz, 1967; Welch, 1983). "Both the economic analysis of common property resources and
Hardin's treatment of the tragedy of the commons"' leads Robert J. Smith (1981:
467) to suggest that "the
only way to avoid the tragedy of the commons in natural resources and wildlife is to end the common‑property
system by creating a system of private property rights” (my emphasis). I
have no quarrel with the argument that dividing a commons and assigning
individual property rights enhances efficiency in many situations (see, for
example, Feeny, 1982). Similarly, I have no quarrel with the argument that
administering some resources through central‑government authority may
avoid the tragedy of overuse in other situations. I do take issue with the
presumption that either central‑government administration or private
property rights is "the only way to avoid the tragedy of the
commons."
What is perplexing, as well
as dangerous, is that
scholars are willing to propose the imposition of sweeping institutional
changes without a rigorous analysis of how different combinations of
institutional arrangements work in practice. The current lack of sophisticated
analyses of alternative institutional arrangements is a major weakness of
contemporary work in the social sciences. Limiting institutional prescriptions
to either "the market"" or "the state," means that the
social‑scientific "medicine cabinet"" contains only two
nostrums.
Game theory has provided
powerful tools for analyzing certain situations. The tools exist to analyze far
more complicated situations than the simple game that is repeatedly used to
"illustrate"' the Commons Situation. Social scientists and philosophers
have allowed themselves to be "hung up"' on simple, one‑level,
paradoxical situations. Immense
scholarly energy has been devoted to trying to prove that individual
rationality in a perverse situation will somehow avoid an irrational outcome. Why
should we expect perfectly rational individuals placed in highly irrational
structures, with no opportunity to change the structure, to achieve collective
rationality? What is a more irrational way to structure any enduring situation
than that represented by the PD game: no communication among the participants,
no previous ties among them, no anticipation of future interactions, and no
capacity to promise, threaten, cajole, or retaliate.
Would reasonable humans,
trying to order their own long‑term relationships in a productive manner,
structure a situation in such a perverse way? Reasonable humans may, of course,
structure situations in this manner when they wish to prevent the participants in a situation from cooperating
with one another. Some cooperation among participants may lead to harms
externalized on others, such as in criminal conspiracies or economic cartels.
Thus, cooperation is not an unambiguous good in all situations (see Ullmann‑Margalit,
1977). Is the only "choice" available to rational human beings a
"choice" within the constraints of an externally imposed structure? Once we accept this
limited view of choice, we are doomed to accept the imposition of structure by
external authorities as the only way out of perverse situations such as the
Commons Dilemma. I do not accept such a limited view of choice and want now to
turn from this critique to a more positive approach to the study of Commons
Dilemmas.
In the next section I will
briefly describe four commons situations which have not resulted in tragedy. If
we are to understand how individuals can escape from tragedy, we need to study
such "success" stories carefully. These are particularly interesting
success stories because none of them relies on central control or market mechanisms
as its primary mode of management. Empirical cases provide the grist for
further theoretical development. Once I have presented these four cases, I will
then turn to several substantive and methodological lessons to be learned from
the analysis of these success stories.
Successful Efforts to Cope with the Commons
West Basin, California
Given the arid conditions
of Southern California, the development and use of water resources has been
crucial to the growth of the area during the twentieth century. Metropolitan
Los Angeles has the fortuitous circumstance that it overlies a complex set of
interrelated groundwater basins. In addition to the construction of several
major aqueducts to bring water from the Owens Valley, from the Colorado River,
and finally from Northern California, water producers in Southern California
have been dependent upon underground basins for storage as well as for the flow
of fresh water. Building surface structures or towers to store water for
peaking purposes is prohibitively costly. Since groundwater basins can provide
some of this peaking capacity at low cost, the value of the groundwater basins
for their storage potential (as contrasted to their flow of water) has become
their most important function in a complex, conjunctive use system. The loss of
one of the groundwater basins underlying metropolitan Los Angeles would be a
major economic disaster.
The incentives facing
producers of water from an underground basin depend, in part, on the type of
property rights system in force at a particular point in time. When groundwater
resources were first developed in Southern California, legal relationships were
governed by a riparian‑like doctrine. One could not purchase groundwater
rights without purchasing land. Once land had been purchased, however,
overlying landowners had the rights to put as much water to beneficial use as
they could withdraw. As long as the demand for groundwater did not exceed the
average, long‑term supply, no problems resulted from the open access to
all landowners.
As population and industry
increased during the 1930s and 1940s, however, demand for water also increased.
An annual overdraft (more water being withdrawn than was being replaced)
occurred each year. Several of the basins were located immediately adjacent to
the Pacific Ocean. Overdraft in these basins meant not only less water in
storage, but continued overdraft could destroy the groundwater basin itself
through salt water intrusion. Each producer faced a perplexing problem. As
water levels fell, each producer was tempted to increase production in order to
establish a proportionately larger claim to future pumping rights. Water that
was not used simply flowed to the lowest water levels in the basin –
allowing sea water to flow into the basin. The short run incentive was to pump
as much as possible before disaster hit.
However, other
possibilities existed. If all, or even most, of the pumpers would cut back on
production, they could jointly benefit from the prevention of salt water
intrusion. A substantial common good could be achieved if most producers halted
their accelerated use. Hundreds of water producers pumped from each basin. No
mechanism existed for them to come to agreement concerning joint strategies. No
governmental authority had boundaries coinciding with any of the groundwater
basins. Portions of 11 cities lay over West Basin, the most exposed basin in
the series. The County of Los Angeles contained many of the basins within it,
but was larger than any one of them.
By the end of the second
World War, the problem facing water producers in West Basin can be clearly
represented as a Commons Dilemma. Given the large number of participants and
the absence of any ways to communicate and develop enforceable joint production
strategies, one would predict from the theory of the commons that the basin
would be destroyed by salt water intrusion within a few years.
But this is a success
story. Today, West Basin is in better condition than it was forty years ago.
Local water producers found a way to reduce their production from the basin and
to create several special districts that now enable them to manage West Basin
in a productive manner. This "success" was not imposed on West Basin
by the State of California or the U.S. government. The initiatives to cope with
their water problems came from the producers themselves and from local
governmental officials.
How did this success come
about? First, the users established a voluntary private association – the
West Basin Water Association – to provide a forum for face‑to‑face
discussion about their common problems. The producers used this forum to obtain
the best available evidence about the current conditions of the basin and to
discuss alternative joint production strategies. The association was supported
by voluntary dues paid by producers based on the volume of water produced. A
decision was made within the Association to use equity court procedures in
helping to solve the problems they faced. Through discovery and reference
procedures, the producers were able to obtain reliable information on past and
current supply and demand conditions.
In the shadow of the court,
producers were able to negotiate a contingent contract. This contractual device
enabled a producer to agree to limit production if, and only if, 80 percent of
the other producers also agreed to limit their production. A contingent
contract effectively eliminates being played for a sucker while others pursue
temptation strategies. The choice for each producer in deciding whether to sign
a contingent contract is between: (1) cooperating in a situation where most
others are also cooperating or (2) not cooperating in a situation where most
others are also not cooperating. The contingent contract operated as an interim
court decree for several years before it became the final court decree and was
imposed on nonsignators, as well as those who had signed the original
agreement. In addition, the court decision assigned each producer defined
rights to the flow of water for the basin which could be purchased independently
of land. Once rights were so defined, a market for groundwater could and did
develop. A water master was appointed to continue to monitor production and
ensure that producers remained within agreed limits.
While utilizing court
procedures, West Basin producers also initiated proceedings to create several
special districts. The first special district enabled producers to supplement
the underground supply with a surface supply. The second district enabled
producers to tax themselves on the amount of water they produced and to use
that tax revenue to engage in replenishment efforts along the coast as well as
inland. Replenishment efforts
involved several more local public districts which agreed to cooperate in a
series of contractual arrangements (see E. Ostrom, 1965, for details; and
Blomquist and E. Ostrom, 1985, for a recent analysis).
The participants
themselves, in the West Basin Commons Dilemma, were the major actors in
designing a series of institutional arrangements to meet their particular needs.
Cost‑sharing arrangements were developed for each step in the resolution
process. The use of proportionate cost‑sharing began with the voluntary
association. Dues were assessed based on the amount of groundwater extracted
(thereby creating an incentive to understate use) while votes on association
matters were also based on groundwater extraction (an offsetting incentive to
overstate use). In the court case, costs of investigation and litigation were
proportioned to the benefit obtained in the judgment, i.e., the prescribed
rights to water. The cost of monitoring compliance is again proportioned to
rights, with a portion being borne by the State of California. The state has an
interest in accurate information about groundwater conditions and the provision
of facilities to help avoid the tragedy of the commons.
Alanya, Turkey
Our second case stands in
marked contrast to the highly modernized political economy of the Los Angeles
metropolitan area. The inshore fishery of Alanya in Turkey is a relatively small
operation. Fikret Berkes (1985c), a human ecologist at Brock University in
Ontario, Canada, has provided an excellent description of the fishery and its
institutional arrangements. Many of the 100 local fishermen operate in 2- or 3‑man
boats using various types of nets. Half the fishermen belong to a local
producers cooperative and half do not. The economic viability of the fishery in
Alanya was threatened in the early 1970s by two factors. First, unrestrained
use of the fishery created conflict among the users. Secondly, competition
among fishermen for the better fishing spots greatly increased production costs
and uncertainty regarding the harvest potential for any particular team of
fishermen.
Fifteen years ago, members
of the local cooperative began to discuss and implement a rather ingenious
system for allotting fishing sites to the local fishermen. Fikret Berkes has
described the system in the following words:
a. Each
September, a list of eligible fishermen is prepared, consisting of all licensed
fishermen Alanya, regardless of co‑op
membership.
b. Within
the area normally used by Alanya fishermen, all usable fishing locations are
named and listed. These spots are spaced so that the net set in one does not
block the fish that should be available at the adjacent spot.
c. These named fishing
locations are in effect from September to May…
d. In September, the
eligible fishermen draw lots and are assigned to named fishing locations.
e. From
September to January, each day, each fisherman moves to the new location to the
east. After January, the fishermen move west. This gives each fisherman an
equal opportunity at the stocks which migrate east to west between September
and January, and reverse their migration from January to May through the area (Berkes,
1985c: 14‑15).
Each year the list of
fishing sites is endorsed by each fisherman and deposited with the mayor and
local gendarme. The few infractions which incur are "'dealt with by the
fishing community at large, in the coffee house. Violators may come under
social pressure and, on occasion, threats of violence" (Berkes, 1985c:
15). If needed, the local gendarme is prepared to help in the enforcement of
the agreement. Enforcement has, however, not been a major problem because the
system is supported by most of the fishermen themselves. The system helps to
allocate the best fishing sites to all fishermen on an equitable basis and has
severely reduced conflict as well as production costs.
Toerbel, Switzerland
The third case is of
Toerbel, a village of about 600 people located in the Vispertal of the Upper
Valais region of Switzerland. Netting (1976: 133) identifies the most
significant features of the environment as: "(1) the steepness of its
slope and the wide range of microclimates demarcated by altitude, (2) the
prevailing paucity of precipitation, and (3) the exposure to sunlight."
For centuries, Swiss peasants have planted their privately owned plots with
bread grains, garden vegetables and fruit trees, and hay for winter fodder.
Cheeses produced by a small group of herdsmen, who tended village cattle
pastured on the communally owned alpine meadows during the summer months, have
been an important part of the local economy.
Written legal documents
dating back to 1224 provide information regarding the types of land tenure and
transfers that have occurred in the village and the rules used by the villagers
to regulate the five types of communally owned property: the alpine grazing
meadows, the forests, the "waste" lands, the irrigation systems, and
the paths and roads connecting privately and communally owned properties. On
February 1, 1483, Toerbel residents signed articles formally establishing an
association to achieve a better level of regulation over the use of the alp,
the forests, and the waste lands.
The law specifically forbade a foreigner (Fremde) who bought or otherwise occupied land in
Toerbel from acquiring any right in the communal alp, common lands, or grazing
places, or permission to fell timber.
Ownership of a piece of land did not automatically confer any communal right (genossenschaftliches
Recht). The inhabitants currently
possessing land and water rights reserved the power to decide whether an
outsider should be admitted to community membership (Netting, 1976: 139).
The boundaries of the communally owned lands were well established long ago as indicated in a 1507 inventory document.
Not only was access to well
defined common property strictly limited to citizens, who were specifically
extended communal rights, but written regulations specified in 1517 that
"no citizen could send more cows to the alp than he could feed during the
winter…" (Netting, 1976: 139). This regulation, which Netting
reports is still enforced, imposed severe fines for any attempt by villagers to
appropriate a larger share of grazing rights. The rules regulating the use of
irrigation water involved an intricate rotation system based on sun and shadow
movements on the surrounding mountains. Timber for construction and wood for
heating were marked by village officials and assigned by lot to groups of
households who then were authorized to enter the forests and harvest the marked
trees.
Regulations also stated the
obligations of those with use rights to provide labor inputs related to the
cleaning of springs, the maintenance of an extensive irrigation system, the
construction and maintenance of roads and paths, rebuilding avalanche‑damaged
fences, and redistributing manure on common pasture lands. A codification of
these regulations signed in 1531 included 24 separate articles regulating such
diverse activities as: "immigration to or emigration from the community,
hunting on the alp, stock damage to private plots, the spread of cattle
disease, dispute settlement, participation in village government, alp pasturate
rights, and compulsory communal building" (Netting, 1976: 139‑140).
In addition to a detailed
system of communal rights, private rights to land are also well developed in
Toerbel and other Swiss villages. Most of the meadows, gardens, grainfields,
and vineyards in Toerbel were owned by separate individuals, but complex
condominium‑like agreements were also worked out for the fractional
shares that siblings and relatives may have in barns, granaries, or multi‑storied
housing units.
Hirano, Nagaike, and Yamanoka
Villages in Japan
The last case study
involves several villages located in a mountainous region of Japan. For
centuries in that country, extensive common lands have existed and been
regulated primarily by local villagers. In an important study of traditional
common lands in Japan, Margaret A. McKean (1984) estimates that about 12
million hectares of forests and uncultivated mountain meadows were held and
managed in common by thousands of rural villages during the Tokugawa period
(1600‑1867) and that about 3 million hectares are so managed today. While
many villages have sold or divided their common lands in recent times, McKean
(1984: 2) indicates that she has "not yet turned up an example of a
commons that suffered ecological destruction while it was still a
commons."
Three Japanese villages
– Hirano, Nagaike, and Yamanoka – are similar in many respects to
Toerbel. The villages are also established on steep mountains where many micro‑climates
can be distinguished. Peasants cultivated their own private lands raising rice,
garden vegetables, and draft animals. The common lands in Japan produce a wide
variety of forest products of value to local peasants including timber, thatch
for roofing and weaving, animal fodder of various kinds, and plant and forest
residue for fertilizer, firewood, and charcoal.
Each village in earlier
times was governed by an assembly. The assembly was usually composed of the
heads of each of the households which had political standing in the village.
The basis for political status varied substantially by village. In some
villages the standing of households was based on cultivation rights in land,
some on taxpaying obligations, and some on ownership rights in land. In some
villages almost all households had political standing and rights to the use of
the commons. In others, these rights were more narrowly held (McKean, 1984:
26).
Each village assembly
established a relatively complex set of rules regulating both the use and
enhancement of the commons owned by the village. Boundary rules clearly
demarked which lands were held in common and which in private ownership. Entry
rules unambiguously specified who was authorized to use the communally owned
land. Ownership of the uncultivated lands near a village devolved from the
imperial court to the villages through several intermediate stages involving
land stewards and locally based warriors. National cadastral surveys were
conducted late in the sixteenth century at a time of land reform that assigned
"most of the rights to arable land that we today consider to be
'ownership' to peasants who lived on and cultivated that land" (McKean,
1984: 6). In the earlier systems the owners of large estates had employed
agents in each village and authorized these agents to regulate access to the
uncultivated lands. As villages asserted their own rights to these lands, they
shared a clear image of which lands were private and which were held in common,
and of how those lands held in common needed management in order to serve the
long‑term interests of the peasants dependent upon them.
In traditional Japanese
villages, the household was the smallest unit of account. Each village
contained a carefully recorded, defined number of households. Households could
not divide into multiple households without permission from the village. Rights
of access to the communally held lands were accorded on a pro rata basis to
each household. Consequently, households with many members had no advantage,
and considerable disadvantages, in their access to the commons. Population
growth was extremely low (.025 percent for the period between 1721‑1846)
and ownership patterns within villages were stable (McKean, 1984: 29).
In addition to delimiting
the ownership status of all lands' village assemblies also established detailed
partitioning rules (Oakerson, 1984) specifying in various ways how much of each
valued product a household could harvest from the commons.
Different villages arrived at different arrangements for guaranteeing an
adequate supply of each of these products. For items that were needed regularly
and that the commons Yielded in abundance, a village might allow co‑owners
free and open entry as long as they abided by certain rules to make sure that a
self‑sustaining population of mature plants or animals was left behind.
To enter the commons, one might need to go to village authorities to obtain an
entry permit, carved on a little wooden ticket and marked 'entrance permit for
one person! The rules would probably restrict the villagers' choice of cutting
tools or the size of the sack or container used to collect plants. Everyone
would be expected to abide by the village headman's instructions about leaving
so much height on a cut plant so that it could regenerate, or taking only a
certain portion of a cluster of similar plants to make sure the parent plant
could propagate itself, or collecting a certain species only after flowering
and fruiting, and so on.
For items that had to be left undisturbed until maturity and harvested
all at once at just the right time, or that the commons supplied only in
adequate, not abundant, amount, villagers usually set aside closed reserves....
The village headman would be responsible for determining when the time had come
to harvest thatch or winter fodder or other products, and would schedule the
event... (McKean, 1984: 33).
The tailoring of village
rules to the specific needs of each village and the ecological condition of a
particular commons also required input from the villages to enhance and
maintain the yield of the commons.
For collective work to maintain the commons‑to conduct the annual
burning…, to report to harvest on mountain‑opening days, or to do a
specific cutting of timber or thatch – there were written rules about the
obligation of each household to contribute a share to this effort. Accounts
were kept about who contributed what to make sure that no household evaded its
responsibilities unnoticed....[and] if there was no acceptable excuse,
punishment was in order (McKean, 1984: 39).
McKean's study is also
strong testimony that it is possible for local communities to devise effective
rules for managing their own common property resources. The establishment of
the rules, the monitoring of behavior, the monitoring of the conditions in the
commons, and the assignment of punishment were all conducted primarily in the
village. McKean concludes that the long‑term success of these locally
designed rules systems indicates "that it is not necessary for regulation
of the commons to be imposed coercively from the outside" (McKean, 1984:
56).
What Can We Learn From These Cases?
Let me turn to the
substantive lessons that can be learned from these four success stories. I will
follow this with a discussion of the methodological lessons.
The Substantive
Significance
The most important
substantive lesson to be learned from these four cases is that it is possible
for individuals facing a
Commons Dilemma in natural settings to design their own institutional
arrangements that change the very structure of the situation in which they find
themselves. A self‑conscious process of instructional change occurred in
West Basin and in Alanya. The participants designed new structures for
themselves that have enabled them to use common‑pool resources in a
productive manner. In West Basin, a rich supporting institutional structure
enabled participants to enter into contingent contracts, to agree to create new
political jurisdictions with specific powers to tax, and to engage in a
creative form of public entrepreneurship to manage the commons. In Alanya,
relatively poor fishermen, living in marginal circumstances, were able to
extricate themselves from a deteriorating Commons Situation by inventing an
ingenious set of rules for rotating fishing sites, enabling everyone to have a
fair opportunity to obtain the catch.
These are not unique cases.
In Southern California, participants in other groundwater basins have developed
similar institutional arrangements to those of West Basin (Weschler, 1968;
Rolph, 1982). While the designs are similar, each is tailored to meet
particular circumstances. Besides Alanya, Berkes describes two other inshore
fisheries owned communally where local fishermen have developed effective
institutions for regulating use. The rules used in these other fisheries are
different from those used in Alanya. Swiss peasants living in other alpine
villages besides Toerbel have evolved their own systems for allocating the use
of common grazing land (Wiegandt, 1977). Many other success stories are
recorded in the literature (Siy, 1982; Wade, 1985; Cruz, 1985; Berkes, 1985a;
1985b; Uphoff, 1985; McCay, 1980; Berkes and Pocock, 1981; Acheson, 1975).
Success is, of course, not
the only outcome. In Northern California, Arizona, and New Mexico, many
groundwater basins are currently being threatened with excessive depletion
(Knapp and Vaux, 1982). On the
Turkish coast several inshore fisheries, not far from Alanya, face resource
depletion and severe user‑group conflicts (Berkes, 1985c). Establishing a possibility is not the same as establishing necessity.
West Basin and Alanya
illustrate how individuals can engage in self‑conscious design to change
patterns of behavior within a relatively short period of time. These cases
illustrate what I think Giddons (1979: 56‑57) means by the reflexive monitoring of action. Giddons
considered this reflexive monitoring to be related not only to the actions
taken in a situation but also to the "monitoring of the setting of
interaction" (his emphasis). The Swiss
and Japanese villages illustrate how institutions which evolved in the distant
past can be well adapted to particular environmental and cultural
circumstances. That the inhabitants of these extremely fragile mountain
environments have been able to use them intensively for centuries, while
harvesting a rich variety of forest and forage products, is strong testimony to
the possibility of long‑term, stable outcomes that are not the tragedies
posited in theory.
Another lesson to be
learned from these four cases is that it is essential for those interested in
proposing ways of improving human welfare to recognize the difference between
the methodological requirement of exogenous variables and the mutability or
immutability of these same variables. To analyze an action situation, the
theorist must assume some variables are beyond the control of individuals in
the situation. This methodological device of placing some variables outside
short‑term control enables the analyst to understand the logic of the
short‑term situation and to predict likely patterns of behavior in short‑term
situations of a similar structure. Something must be taken as given in any
analysis. The variables which are considered exogenous may or may not be under
the long‑term control of participants. In some political systems, users
of common‑pool resources cannot affect the institutional structure of
their common resource and are like prisoners trapped in their cells. But our cases illustrate that, when
users of a common‑pool resource do have long‑term capacities to
change their own institutional arrangements, it is possible for them to create
new arrangements well tailored to their particular circumstances. Consequently,
no logical or empirical necessity traps users of a common‑pool resource
into an inevitable tragedy.
Instead of the users of a commons being inextricably trapped in a tragedy, it is scholars who have allowed their assumptions to trap them into a presumption that short‑run tendencies will necessarily prevail in the long run. As long as scholars are enmeshed in a conceptual trap, they fail to address how participants in a Commons Dilemma can restructure their relationships to achieve mutually productive ways of relating to one another. Further, presuming the helplessness of participants leads to recommendations to impose solutions upon them. If we had strong logical and empirical reasons to believe that there is only "one best way" to avoid Commons Dilemmas, then we might urge the imposition of a single institutional arrangement for efficiency's sake.
But another lesson obtained
from these cases is the futility of presuming there is "one best
way." None of the four institutional arrangements which successfully
overcame a Commons Dilemma is either a strict market arrangement or a central‑government
arrangement. While the West Basin "solution" does involve creating
firm property rights to the flow of water in West Basin, the basin itself is
not privately owned. A "market" for water rights emerged subsequent
to the court decree allocating rights to water. But that is not all that
emerged. Water producers went on to create several local, public jurisdictions
with regulatory and taxing authority to supplement their efforts to control the
basin through the assignment of fixed rights to water. A complex series of
private and public agencies jointly manage this sensitively balanced system.
Nor is the polycentric, locally governed system, involving both private and
public enterprises, a central‑government solution.
In none of the other
systems do the rights to use even approach fully marketable rights. In Alanya,
one must be a registered, local fisherman to qualify for the annual lottery.
One fisherman cannot sell his annual schedule of fishing spots to another.
Rights to the Toerbel Commons are individually inherited, but an outsider
cannot buy rights to use the commons like an outsider can buy water rights in
West Basin. Rights to use of the Japanese village commons are assigned to
family units and remain with family units from one generation to the next.
None of the four systems
resembles a central‑government solution either. The participants
themselves decided which rules are to apply for allocating use. The
administrative structure in all four cases is minimal. The users of the
commons are also the governors of the commons.
The primary substantive
lesson from these cases is that it is possible for humans to break out of the
logic of the commons and to restructure the situation itself. Thus, it is
important for policy analysts to recognize the difference between assuming a
set of givens during an analysis and presuming these givens are really
unchangeable. We have also observed that there may not be "one best
way" of organizing for the management of natural resource systems. At
least we are now aware of several systems which work quite well without being
either pure market or pure central control systems.
The Methodological
Significance
These cases do not only
teach us substantive lessons; they also raise important methodological issues
about how to study institutions and institutional change. In my earlier
discussion, I referred to current analyses of Commons Dilemmas as single‑level
analyses. The analysis is completely contained within the structure of a given
situation. The problem in
understanding institutions is that one must use multiple levels of analysis.
Several ways exist to identify levels. One method is to separate levels of
operational choice, collective choice, and constitutional choice (see Kiser and
E. Ostrom, 1982). The typical way
of modeling a Commons Dilemma is at an operational choice level. Analyzing
how individuals might change the rules of an operational choice situation is at
a collective choice level. And, further, analysis of the rules for making rules
is at a constitutional choice level.
When we move from an analysis at one level to a prescription for
changing the rules used by people to structure that level, we must self‑consciously
use multiple levels of analysis.
I cannot emphasize too
strongly the importance of recognizing the necessity for self‑conscious
and rigorous analysis of multi‑level systems if social scientists are to
contribute to the improvement of social welfare. An assertion that there are
multiple levels of analysis in the social sciences is not revolutionary. But
until we begin to develop rigorous methods for separating the various levels,
we will continue to thrash about in our own confusion (see V Ostrom 1985a;
1985b). This is a central theme in Richard Hofstadter's Goedel, Escher, and
Bach (1979). Hofstadter
distinguishes between systems in which the levels are well separated in time,
in space, and in the language used to describe them, from systems which are not
well separated.
In multi‑level
systems which are well separated in time and space, we do not need to keep more
than one level of analysis in mind at an one time. Our minds can effectively
jump from one level to another depending upon the context of discourse and thought.
In many physical systems, for example, various levels of analysis are
effectively separated by large gaps in space and/or time. In a kinetic model of
a chemical reaction, the differential equations used to represent the chemical
reaction rely on an assumption that the process under analysis can be isolated
from its environment. P.J. Courtois has described these multilevel, chemical
systems in the following way:
On the one hand, the environment is supposed to remain unaffected and is
held constant; it is represented by a few parameters with fixed values. On the
other hand, underlying processes, at finer scales in time or space, are hidden.
Their dynamics are completely ignored. They are supposed to be in a state of
equilibrium.…The success and the accuracy of these isolated analyses
are, of course, to a great extent due to the large values of the differences in
the time and size scales of the structures involved (Courtois, 1985: 591).