The policy of colonial expansion is a political and economic system ... that can be connected to three sets of ideas: economic ideas; the most far-reaching ideas of civilization; and ideas of a political and patriotic sort.

In the area of economics, I am placing before you, with the support of some statistics, the considerations that justify the policy of colonial expansion, as seen from the perspective of a need, felt more and more urgently by the industrialized population of Europe and especially the people of our rich and hardworking country of France: the need to find markets for our exports. Is this a fantasy? Is this a concern [that can wait] for the future? Or is it a pressing need, one may say a crying need, of our industrial population? I merely express in a general way what each one of you can see for himself in the various parts of France. Yes, our major industries [textiles, etc.] have been irrevocably steered by the [free-trade] treaties of 1860-1861 into exports, and yet more and more they lack outlets. Why? Because next door Germany is setting up trade barriers; because across the ocean the United States of America have become protectionists, and extreme protectionists at that; because not only are these great markets ... shrinking, becoming more and more difficult of access, but these great states are beginning to pour into our own markets products not seen there before. This is true not only for our agriculture, which has been so sorely tried ... and for which competition is no longer limited to the circle of large European states .... Today, as you know, competition, the law of supply and demand, freedom of trade, the effects of speculation, all radiate in a circle that reaches to the ends of the earth .... That is a great complication, a great economic difficulty; ... an extremely serious problem. It is so serious, gentlemen, so acute, that the least informed persons must already glimpse, foresee, and take precautions against the time when the great South American market that has, in a manner of speaking, belonged to us forever will be disputed and perhaps taken away from us by North American products. Nothing is more serious; there can be no graver social problem; and these matters are linked intimately to colonial policy.

... Gentlemen, we must speak more loudly and more honestly! We must say openly that the higher races have a right over the lower races .... the superior races have a right because they have a duty. They have the duty to civilize the inferior races .... In the history of earlier centuries these duties, gentlemen, have often been misunderstood; and certainly when the Spanish soldiers and explorers introduced slavery into Central America, they did not fulfill their duty as men of a higher race .... But, in our own time, European nations acquit themselves with generosity, with grandeur, and with sincerity when they undertake this superior civilizing duty.

Can you deny, can anyone deny, that North Africa now experiences better moral and material conditions, more fairness, more justice, than it did before it was conquered by France? When we went to Algiers to destroy piracy and to assure free trade in the Mediterranean, were we doing the work of thugs, of conquerors, of destroyers? Is it possible to deny that in India today, even despite some very sorry episodes in the history of its conquest, people enjoy more justice, more enlightenment, and greater virtue in both public and private life than they did before the English conquest? How can you deny that it is a stroke of good luck for those unfortunate populations of sub-Saharan Africa to have fallen under the protection of the French or English Nation? Is not our first duty--the first task France imposed on herself, and one now translated by the Conference of Berlin into law--to fight the traffic in negroes, this horrible trade, this infamy, that is slavery? ...

I say that French colonial policy, the policy of colonial expansion was inspired by a truth which I must bring to your attention: a navy such as ours cannot do without safe harbors, defenses, and supply centers on the high seas .... Are you unaware of this? Look at a map of the world. Look at a map of the world, and tell me our ships would be secure if we did not have establishments in Tunisia, in Madagascar, in Indochina! Gentlemen, these are considerations that merit the full attention of patriots.

The conditions of naval warfare have greatly changed [since steamships replaced sailing ships in the 1860s-1870s]. Now, as you know, a warship, however perfect its design, cannot carry more than two weeks' supply of coal; and a vessel without coal is a wreck on the high seas, abandoned to the first occupier. Hence the need to have places of supply, shelters, ports for defense and provisioning.... And that is why we needed Tunisia; that is why we needed Saigon and Indochina; that is why we need Madagascar... and why we shall never leave them! ... Gentlemen, in Europe such as it is today, in this competition of the many rivals we see rising up around us, some by military or naval improvements, others by the prodigious development of a constantly growing population; in a Europe, or rather in a universe thus constituted, a policy of withdrawal or abstention is simply the high road to decadence! In our time nations are great only through the activity they deploy; it is not by spreading the peaceable light of their institutions that they are great, in the present day. Spreading light without acting, without taking part in the affairs of the world, keeping out of all European alliances and seeing as a trap, an adventure, all expansion into Africa or the Orient-for a great nation to live this way, believe me, is to abdicate and, in less time than you may think, to sink from the first rank to the third and fourth.