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OVERVIEW: THE SOUTHWEST REGION: THE ANASAZI (MODULE 15D)

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A. Lesson Overview:
It perhaps the ruins of the Anasazi pueblos that are one of the most evocative images of the American Southwest — "right up there" along with the Grand Canyon and Monument Valley.  There are many households in the United States where people grew up with stacks of Arizona Highways magazine, along with old issues of National Geographic, where people first had a chance to view and come to appreciate the works of these ancient people.  As examples of ways of integrating architecture with the landscape, they have been been inspirational for people like Frank Lloyd Wright.  Today, they, as well as their modern Pueblo descendents,  are major tourist destinations for people from the United States as well as from other countries.  Their ceramic arts — both those produced by their descendent modern potters as well as by ancient ones — are coveted by collectors, and, lamentably, this has been a stimulus for extensive looting activities to acquire them.

Beginning with a description of Pleistocene conditions in the Four Corners region, through the Oshara Archaic, the Basketmaker traditions, and the Pueblo periods, this lesson seeks to introduce students to what is known archaeologically about the ancient Anasazi — their cultural trajectories as seen through their artifact inventories and architectural development.  Particular focus is given to what has been called the "Chaco Phenomenon" — a period dating roughly from A.D. 850 to 1150 when the area encompassing the San Juan River drainage experienced one of North America's most significant cultural bursts of activity.  We try to document the archaeological evidence of this and then reflect on the various theories given to understand what internal and external factors may have contributed to it's florescence, as well as ultimate decline.  To what extent can environmental change be viewed as having been important?  What are the pros and cons of this approach?  Trade in turquoise has been given as a cultural stimulus, but as we have seen in discussions of the Mogollon Mimbres turquoise trade, the issues are complex.  What is the significance of the ancient extensive system of roads linking Chaco Canyon sites with their "outlier" communities?  What kinds of social networking is implied for the Chacoan system?  What are the potential implications of evidence of warfare and possibly cannibalism for our understanding of the ancient San Juan area?  What lessons can we learn from their experience?

This lesson involves 2 class sessions, the first ("The Anasazi—1" in the syllabus) is primarily lecture and discussion and the second is where we show the video, The Chaco Legacy ("The Anasazi—2").

B. Lesson Objectives:
1. Define the geographical and environmental parameters that characterize the Anasazi area from Pleistocene times to the present.
2. Become familiar with the earliest archaeological trajectories for the ancient Anasazi area — Archaic through Basketmaker through Pueblo times and after.
3. Consider the main features characteristic of the major art and architectural styles characteristic of the Anasazi area.
4. Wrestle with the concept of "cultural complexity" as an emerging process in the ancient Anasazi, with especial reference to the "Chaco Phenomenon."
5. Consider the pros and cons of viewing trade as having been a major stimulus for Chacoan cultural development.
6. Visually contextualize the main Chacoan sites of the San Juan Basin and some of the theoretical interpretations of their significance using  the video, The Chaco Legacy (part of the PBS Odyssey series) to .
C. MATRIX Principles:
1. Principle 3: Social Relevance - The role of environment on the development of past societies
Discussion - When one thinks of the American Southwest one often first imagines scenes in old "Westerns" filmed in Monument Valley, or perhaps of a Navajo family herding sheep in Canyon de Chelly. Those with an archaeological bent might think first of the cliff dwellings of Mesa Verde. Usually popular images will acknowledge the aridity of the region, often describing the area as the "Desert Southwest." Such images, while true, are not completely so, and we must recognize that there exists considerable environmental diversity there. While in many places it can get quite hot and dry in the summer, many of us now have already linguistically internalized the concept of the "Southwestern Monsoon" with its welcome rains. Furthermore, we now realize that the climatic, and biotic, histories of the Southwest are complex; that once water lapped upon what are now dry lake bed rocky playas. Increasingly, we look to paleoclimatic reconstruction to assist us in understanding the complex cultural trajectories revealed in the archaeological record. In particular, many have suggested that the cultural developments in the San Juan drainage, culminating in the florescence referred to as the "Chaco Phenomena," can in part be better understood if we scrutinize landscape details such as soil characteristics, relative slope, resource distribution and how this can be interpreted relative to site catchment, etc. We see here too the existence of synchronicities linking climatic change variables with population growth and densities, and overall trending toward cultural complexity. As with the case for the Fremont Culture of the Great Basin, it is hard to ignore that the apparent cultural florescence in places like Chaco Canyon was chronologically coincident with a period of increased precipitation for the area. Likewise, it is hard to eliminate the subsequent drought as having played a part in the eventual denouement of that culture. In this class we discuss the human/land relationships as we understand them, as well as the possible dynamic relationships between cultural and climatic change, while at the same time trying to avoid the pitfalls of environmental determinism.
2. Principle 3: Social Relevance - The history of cities and urban life
Discussion - With the ninth century emergence of the "townships" along the Chaco Wash - the "Chaco Phenomena" - we see yet another variation on the theme of urban genesis in ancient North America. Paleodemographic reconstructions may vary in reconstructing exact populations for particular sites, but we do see some clear evidence of increasing regional population size and social complexity. We see the emergence of numerous large masonry architectural complexes composed of contiguous rooms. We see the proliferation and increasing monumentality of ritual structures - kivas - tightly integrated into communities. Along with numerous residential rooms, we see evidence of a concern for storage of commodities as well. On a broader landscape scale, the numerous "roads" that criss-cross the San Juan Basin provide suggestive evidence of increasing political integration on a regional scale, perhaps with some kind of managerial group now able to siphon off resources from productive areas to other parts needing them. We also see evidence of long-distance commerce, with commodities such as turquoise being exported as far away as Mesoamerica; with copper bells and ocean shells being imported from distant Sinaloa on the coast of the Sea of CortĜz.

What we do not see is also interesting! Cooperative work is evident, but we do not see evidence of the emergence of particular elites. Unlike what one finds in Mesoamerica, the Northwest, or the Southeast, nowhere do we find evidence of the concentration of privilege - no palaces, no "cults of personality," no "royal" tombs.

The questions are complex. What factors can account for incipient "urban genesis" in the Anasazi area? To what extent can trade be considered a stimulating factor (see "The sociocultural implications of the turquoise trade" under the discussions on the Mogollon and Mimbres)? How might trends toward urbanism there have reflected climatic moderations beginning in the ninth century? Furthermore, how might the Chacoans have perhaps overextended themselves to not have been able to "weather" subsequent climatic deterioration? What did they do right? What did they do wrong?

3. Principle 3: Social Relevance - The history and role of warfare in relation to politics, economy, and other historical circumstances
Discussion - When we look comparatively at a number of the worldĦs great civilizations, one is struck by the evidence of warfare as an instrument of political consolidation. We see indicators of warfare in a number of ways: iconographic representations of warriors, warrior deities, and combat. We see direct archaeological evidence in the form of the tools of war: protective gear, javelins, atl atls, bows and arrows, etc. We also see the infrastructure related to war: fortifications (or at least a preference for defensible locations), garrisons, road systems (note some examples of these: the Inca "highways," the Roman roads, even EisenhowerĦs interstates). We see celebratory evidence in the form of captured "booty," trophy heads, skull racks, etc.

Do we see such evidence of warfare in the Anasazi area? While potentially projectile points could have been used for interpersonal aggression, absent in the Chacoan region are clear indications of such massive conflicts. This does change radically in the period A.D. 1100_1300 when we see communities reestablished in clearly defensible locations - the period of the Cliff Dwellers. We also recently have become aware of instances of cannibalism in the Southwest - a disturbing note! Clearly, we have evidence of the perceptual transformation of the Southwestern landscape from one of security to insecurity in the centuries beginning around the twelfth century.

What can account for such transformations? To what extent might the climatic deterioration following the Chaco Phenomena have resulted in demographic shifts within the Greater Southwest (and beyond)? It should be noted that global climatic change results in a diversity of local climatic and biotic responses. With the global cooling of the twelfth century some areas ended up receiving more rainfall, while other areas began to experience drought. I suspect that some groups moving into the Southwest - groups who may have posed a threat to Anasazi communities - may have arrived because population growth in their own homelands may have been stimulated by more benign environments there. Whatever the case, we have archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence of "new" peoples coming into the area, most probably creating tensions that resulted in concern for heightened security and, in some cases, abandonment and out-migration.

4. Principle 3: Social Relevance - "Lessons from the past"
Discussion - The experience of the Chaco Phenomena may provide lessons relevant to our contemporary life in a number of ways. We can marvel at their "success" - the spectacular ruins that once were the homes of numerous people who apparently were able go beyond mere adaptation to undertake massive building projects like Pueblo Bonito - and to do so apparently without having to support the excesses characteristic of dynastic rulers in other cultures! When compared with other emergent states, such as in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Shang China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, one is struck by the apparent egalitarian character of the Chacoan people. In fact, one might conclude that their "experiment" was not only successful, but benign in character! Given that, we should be encouraged to study them more fully to learn "what they did right" so that, in some measure, we can too!

At the same time, we are confronted with the eventual abandonment of the Chacoan centers. True, their descendants exist in the various native pueblos, but Chacoan culture itself disappeared in its heartland. In some way, we have to say that the Chacoan effort failed. What did they do wrong? Did they, as some suggest, over-extend themselves during times of plenty (during relative moist times) such that they found themselves unable to "weather" the subsequent climatic deterioration? ShouldnĦt we today take a lesson from the Chacoan experience and be mindful of what can happen when people over-extend themselves - especially given the prospect of our own climatic deterioration in the form of global warming? The answer to this should be obvious!

(Click here to go to a full list of MATRIX Principles as applied to other modules for this class)
(Click here to go to the Cross-tabulation of North American Archaeology Course Modules, Module Overviews and SAA Seven Principles)

D. Instructional Procedures:
This is a two-class period is fundamentally a lecture lesson.  Materials needed are a blackboard, maps, and a video monitor.  Slide transparencies, PowerPoint presentations, and/or appropriate geographic websites can also be utilized as seen fit.
E. Assessment:
In this class the materials presented will be tested as part of the first of three examinations.  Both essay and short-identification questions can be developed by consulting the "Terms related to discussion of: THE SOUTHWEST REGION: THE ANASAZI" found at the end of the class lecture notes for this module (Module 15D).

Essay questions related to this module can be found by clicking the following numbers (49, 50, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63), or by searching in the Essay Bank.


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© 2003 MATRIX
Project Director: Anne Pyburn
Indiana University Bloomington