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OVERVIEW: THE
SOUTHWEST REGION: THE ANASAZI (MODULE 15D) |
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(Click here
to go directly to the lecture notes module above) |
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(Click here
to go directly to the syllabus daily topics schedule for this lesson)
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| A. |
Lesson Overview:
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It
perhaps the ruins of the Anasazi pueblos that are one of the most evocative
images of the American
Southwest — "right up there" along with the Grand Canyon and
Monument Valley. There are many households in the United States
where people grew up with stacks of Arizona Highways magazine,
along with old issues of National Geographic, where people first
had a chance to view and come to appreciate the works of these ancient
people. As examples of ways of integrating architecture with the
landscape, they have been been inspirational for people like Frank Lloyd
Wright. Today, they, as well as their modern Pueblo
descendents, are major tourist destinations for people from the
United States as well as from other countries. Their ceramic arts
— both those produced by their descendent modern potters as well as by
ancient ones — are coveted by collectors, and, lamentably, this has been
a stimulus for extensive looting activities to acquire them.
Beginning with a description of Pleistocene conditions in the Four
Corners region, through the Oshara Archaic, the Basketmaker traditions,
and the Pueblo periods, this lesson seeks to introduce students to what
is known archaeologically about the ancient Anasazi — their cultural
trajectories as seen through their artifact inventories and architectural
development. Particular focus is given to what has been called the
"Chaco Phenomenon" — a period dating roughly from A.D.
850 to 1150 when the area encompassing the San Juan River drainage
experienced one of North America's most significant cultural bursts of
activity. We try to document the archaeological evidence of this and
then reflect on the various theories given to understand what internal and
external factors may have contributed to it's florescence, as well as
ultimate decline. To what extent can environmental change be viewed
as having been important? What are the pros and cons of this
approach? Trade in turquoise has been given as a cultural stimulus,
but as we have seen in discussions of the Mogollon Mimbres
turquoise trade, the issues are complex. What is the
significance of the ancient extensive system of roads linking Chaco Canyon
sites with their "outlier" communities? What kinds of
social networking is implied for the Chacoan system? What are the
potential implications of evidence of warfare and possibly cannibalism for
our understanding of the ancient San Juan area? What lessons can
we learn from their experience?
This
lesson involves 2 class sessions, the first ("The Anasazi—1" in
the syllabus) is primarily lecture and discussion and the second is where
we show the video, The Chaco Legacy
("The Anasazi—2").
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| B. |
Lesson Objectives: |
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1. |
Define the geographical and environmental
parameters that characterize the Anasazi area from Pleistocene times to
the present. |
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2. |
Become familiar with the earliest
archaeological trajectories for the ancient Anasazi area — Archaic
through Basketmaker through Pueblo times and after. |
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3. |
Consider the main features characteristic of
the major art and architectural styles characteristic of the Anasazi area. |
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4. |
Wrestle
with the concept of "cultural
complexity" as an emerging process in the ancient Anasazi, with
especial reference to the "Chaco Phenomenon." |
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5. |
Consider
the pros and cons of viewing trade as having been a major stimulus for
Chacoan cultural development. |
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6. |
Visually
contextualize the main Chacoan sites of the San Juan Basin and some of the
theoretical interpretations of their significance using the video, The Chaco Legacy
(part of the PBS Odyssey series) to . |
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| C. |
MATRIX Principles: |
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1. |
Principle
3: Social Relevance - The role of environment on the development
of past societies |
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Discussion - When one thinks of the
American Southwest one often first imagines scenes in old "Westerns" filmed in Monument Valley, or perhaps of a Navajo
family herding sheep in Canyon de Chelly. Those with an archaeological
bent might think first of the cliff dwellings of Mesa Verde. Usually
popular images will acknowledge the aridity of the region, often
describing the area as the "Desert Southwest." Such images,
while true, are not completely so, and we must recognize that there exists
considerable environmental diversity there. While in many places it can
get quite hot and dry in the summer, many of us now have already
linguistically internalized the concept of the "Southwestern
Monsoon" with its welcome rains. Furthermore, we now realize that the
climatic, and biotic, histories of the Southwest are complex; that once
water lapped upon what are now dry lake bed rocky playas. Increasingly, we
look to paleoclimatic reconstruction to assist us in understanding the
complex cultural trajectories revealed in the archaeological record. In
particular, many have suggested that the cultural developments in the San
Juan drainage, culminating in the florescence referred to as the
"Chaco Phenomena," can in part be better understood if we
scrutinize landscape details such as soil characteristics, relative slope,
resource distribution and how this can be interpreted relative to site
catchment, etc. We see here too the existence of synchronicities linking
climatic change variables with population growth and densities, and
overall trending toward cultural complexity. As with the case for the
Fremont Culture of the Great Basin, it is hard to ignore that the apparent
cultural florescence in places like Chaco Canyon was chronologically
coincident with a period of increased precipitation for the area.
Likewise, it is hard to eliminate the subsequent drought as having played
a part in the eventual denouement of that culture. In this class we
discuss the human/land relationships as we understand them, as well as
the possible dynamic relationships between cultural and climatic change,
while
at the same time trying to avoid the pitfalls of environmental
determinism.
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2. |
Principle 3: Social
Relevance - The history of cities and urban life |
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Discussion - With the ninth century
emergence of the "townships" along the Chaco Wash - the
"Chaco Phenomena" - we see yet another variation on the theme
of urban genesis in ancient North America. Paleodemographic
reconstructions may vary in reconstructing exact populations for
particular sites, but we do see some clear evidence of increasing regional
population size and social complexity. We see the emergence of numerous
large masonry architectural complexes composed of contiguous rooms. We see
the proliferation and increasing monumentality of ritual structures -
kivas - tightly integrated into communities. Along with numerous
residential rooms, we see evidence of a concern for storage of commodities
as well. On a broader landscape scale, the numerous "roads" that
criss-cross the San Juan Basin provide suggestive evidence of increasing
political integration on a regional scale, perhaps with some kind of
managerial group now able to siphon off resources from productive areas to
other parts needing them. We also see evidence of long-distance commerce,
with commodities such as turquoise being exported as far away as
Mesoamerica; with copper bells and ocean shells being imported from
distant Sinaloa on the coast of the Sea of CortĜz. What
we do not see is also interesting! Cooperative work is evident, but
we do not see evidence of the emergence of particular elites. Unlike
what one finds in Mesoamerica, the Northwest, or the Southeast, nowhere
do we find evidence of the concentration of privilege - no palaces, no "cults of personality," no "royal" tombs.
The questions are complex. What factors can account for
incipient "urban genesis" in the Anasazi area? To what extent can trade be
considered a stimulating factor (see "The sociocultural implications
of the turquoise trade" under the discussions on the Mogollon and
Mimbres)? How might trends toward urbanism there have reflected climatic
moderations beginning in the ninth century? Furthermore, how might the
Chacoans have perhaps overextended themselves to not have been able to
"weather" subsequent climatic deterioration? What did they do
right? What did they do wrong?
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3. |
Principle 3: Social
Relevance - The history and role of warfare in relation to
politics, economy, and other historical circumstances |
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Discussion - When we look
comparatively at a number of the worldĦs great civilizations, one is
struck by the evidence of warfare as an instrument of political
consolidation. We see indicators of warfare in a number of ways:
iconographic representations of warriors, warrior deities, and combat.
We see direct archaeological evidence in the form of the tools of war:
protective gear, javelins, atl atls, bows and arrows, etc. We also
see the infrastructure related to war: fortifications (or at least a
preference for defensible locations), garrisons, road systems (note some
examples of these: the Inca "highways," the Roman roads, even
EisenhowerĦs interstates). We see celebratory evidence in the form of
captured "booty," trophy heads, skull racks, etc. Do we see such evidence of warfare in the Anasazi area? While
potentially projectile points could have been used for interpersonal
aggression, absent in the Chacoan region are clear indications of such
massive conflicts. This does change radically in the period A.D. 1100_1300
when we see communities reestablished in clearly defensible locations -
the period of the Cliff Dwellers. We also recently have become aware of
instances of cannibalism in the Southwest - a disturbing note! Clearly,
we have evidence of the perceptual transformation of the Southwestern
landscape from one of security to insecurity in the centuries beginning
around the twelfth century.
What can account for such transformations? To what extent
might the climatic deterioration following the Chaco Phenomena have
resulted in
demographic shifts within the Greater Southwest (and beyond)? It should
be noted that global climatic change results in a diversity of local
climatic
and biotic responses. With the global cooling of the twelfth century
some areas ended up receiving more rainfall, while other areas began
to
experience drought. I suspect that some groups moving into the Southwest
- groups who may have posed a threat to Anasazi communities - may have
arrived because population growth in their own homelands may have been
stimulated by more benign environments there. Whatever the case, we have
archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence of "new" peoples
coming into the area, most probably creating tensions that resulted in
concern for heightened security and, in some cases, abandonment and
out-migration.
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4. |
Principle 3: Social
Relevance - "Lessons from the past" |
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Discussion - The experience of the
Chaco Phenomena may provide lessons relevant to our contemporary life in
a number of ways. We can marvel at their "success" - the
spectacular ruins that once were the homes of numerous people who
apparently were able go beyond mere adaptation to undertake massive
building projects like Pueblo Bonito - and to do so apparently without
having to support the excesses characteristic of dynastic rulers in other
cultures! When compared with other emergent states, such as in Egypt,
Mesopotamia, Shang China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, one is struck by the
apparent egalitarian character of the Chacoan people. In fact, one might
conclude that their "experiment" was not only successful, but
benign in character! Given that, we should be encouraged to study them
more fully to learn "what they did right" so that, in some
measure, we can too! At
the same time, we are confronted with the eventual abandonment of the
Chacoan centers. True, their descendants exist in the various native
pueblos, but Chacoan culture itself disappeared in its heartland. In
some way, we have to say that the Chacoan effort failed. What did they
do
wrong? Did they, as some suggest, over-extend themselves during times
of plenty (during relative moist times) such that they found themselves
unable to "weather" the subsequent climatic deterioration?
ShouldnĦt we today take a lesson from the Chacoan experience and be
mindful of what can happen when people over-extend themselves -
especially given the prospect of our own climatic deterioration in the
form of global warming? The answer to this should be obvious!
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(Click here
to go to a full list of MATRIX Principles as applied to other modules
for this class)
(Click here
to go to the Cross-tabulation of North American Archaeology Course
Modules, Module Overviews and SAA Seven Principles)
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| D. |
Instructional Procedures: |
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This is a two-class period is fundamentally a lecture lesson. Materials needed are a
blackboard, maps, and a video monitor. Slide transparencies, PowerPoint presentations,
and/or appropriate geographic websites can also be utilized as seen fit. |
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Assessment: |
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In this class the materials presented will be tested as part of the first
of three examinations. Both essay and short-identification questions can
be developed by consulting the "Terms
related to discussion of: THE SOUTHWEST REGION: THE ANASAZI" found at the end of the class lecture notes for this module (Module
15D).
Essay questions related to this
module can be found by clicking the following numbers (49,
50, 54,
55, 56,
59, 60,
61, 62,
63),
or by searching in the Essay
Bank.
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